Innocenti Working Papers

This paper presents and discusses child relative income poverty statistics for 35 economically advanced countries, representing all the members of the European Union, Australia, Canada, Iceland, Japan, New Zealand, Switzerland and the United States. As most of the data refer to the year 2008, the results partly reflect the initial impact of the global economic crisis as well as government responses. According to the data, Nordic countries and the Netherlands present the lowest child relative poverty levels, while Japan, the United States, most of the Southern European countries and some of the new EU member states have among the highest. Several factors are associated with the risk of poverty, such as demographic composition, educational level of household members, labour conditions, but the extent to which these factors influence the risk of poverty vary considerably across countries. Lastly, in several countries the role of government is found to be highly important in reducing child poverty.

Since the end of 2007, countries in Central Asia have been struck by two major consecutive shocks: the food and fuel price increase in 2007-08, and the global economic and financial crisis that began at the end of 2008. Households, both poor and not poor, are directly and adversely affected by the crisis. The multi-dimensionality of the crises and the volatile economic environment challenge the ability of vulnerable households to cope and to maintain their living standards. Social protection programmes play an important role in the response to a crisis. This paper provides an overview of the social and economic vulnerabilities of households with children in the five Central Asian countries, and assesses the ability of national social protection systems to address these, with the main focus on the role of non-contributory cash transfers financed from general government revenues. The paper concludes that the existing social cash transfer systems are not effective in addressing the needs of poor and vulnerable children and families in Central Asia. Limited coverage together with limited funding reduces the potential poverty reduction impact of the programmes. The paper discusses potential strategies for improving existing systems by consolidating and protecting government spending, streamlining existing benefits and transfers, improving the identification of beneficiaries and strengthening administration, monitoring and evaluation systems.

The European Union is developing child specific indicators of well-being to complement the Laeken indicators on poverty and social exclusion. Though many child sensitive indicators have been proposed, none of the measures is sensitive to (changes in) cumulative deprivation, i.e. the degree to which a child simultaneously experiences a range of unfavourable conditions. This paper describes and empirically tests a number of candidate measures of cumulative deprivation to monitor child well-being. The ideal measure is sensitive to (changes in) cumulative deprivation and, given its broad use in the policy community, has an intuitive interpretation. Using the 2007 wave of the EU-SILC data, we construct several headcount and adjusted-headcount measures of cumulative deprivation from a set of 13 deprivation indicators for Germany, France, The Netherlands and the United Kingdom. We test the impact of changes in the main methodological decisions: the exclusion of deprivation indicators, changes in the indicator threshold, changes in the cumulative deprivation threshold and changes in the weighting indicators. Our findings indicate that some measures are considerably more sensitive than others. In the context of the search for child-specific indicators, we conclude that headcount and adjusted headcount measures of cumulative deprivation give relevant and complementary insights into child well-being and perform well in sensitivity tests. While the interpretation of headcount measures is somewhat easier, the adjusted-headcount is additionally able to monitor changes in cumulative deprivation and it is less sensitive to changes in the methodology. Within these two broad classes some non-trivial choices must be made and the adjusted-headcount with a cumulative deprivation threshold of one satisfies the evaluation criteria best. The relative measures of cumulative deprivation are problematic: not only are they very sensitive to changes in methodological decisions, but they are also more difficult to interpret. However, to monitor cumulative deprivation of children there is also a need for child specific indicators (rather than household level indicators) over a wider range of well-being domains.

The paper analyzes the causes of the decline of the under-5 mortality rate (U5MR) in sub-Saharan Africa over the years 1995-2007 by estimating an aggregate econometric model for a panel of 40 countries. This model is then used to compute the impact of the 2008-09 global economic crisis on child mortality, by comparing the number of child deaths which would have occurred under a „no-crisis counterfactual scenario‟ with those computed under the actual „crisis scenario‟. The results suggest that in sub-Saharan Africa the economic slowdown – and in some countries the negative economic growth – generated by the global crisis caused an additional 27000 child deaths. However, if changes occurring during 2008-09 in other determinants of U5MR are factored in, the number of child deaths declined by 15000 units in relation to the counterfactual scenario. A protective effect on U5MR was played by the surge in food production and the increase of public expenditure and foreign aid to health. The countries most negatively affected by the impact of the crisis were the Sudano-Sahelian and Eastern African ones, while Coastal West Africa and Southern Africa generally experienced a steady decline in child deaths. Starting from the U5MR estimates for 2009, the model is also used to assess what values the determinants of U5MR should take over 2009-2015 in order for the countries of the region to meet the MDG4 target as closely as possible. Finally the paper analyzes the determinants of U5MR inequality by wealth quintiles by making use of both aggregate and DHS data on access to services, family characteristics, income per capita, and other variables.

This paper examines the role of civil society in the process of implementing the general measures of the Convention of the Rights of the Child, as defined in article 4 of the Convention and its General Comment No.5 (2003). While it is established in international law that States parties are the primary duty bearers to promote and protect children‟s rights, the Committee on the Rights of the Child has also recognized that other actors, including children, have a right and need to be engaged in this process. An examination of the variety of definitions provided of „civil society‟ reveals that it includes, inter alia, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), community groups, women's groups, environmental movements, faith-based organizations, professional associations, trade unions, self-help groups, social movements, business associations and advocacy groups. Drawing on the author‟s experience in civil society organisations and her membership on the Committee on the Rights of the Child (2003-2009), the findings show that civil society plays an important role in the implementation of the CRC, and that NGOs, in particular, play a vital role. NGOs operate in different legal, economic, social and political settings, which results in varied modalities of work and impacts. The paper draws attention to the wide issues and challenges affecting civil society today, including financial crises, poverty, globalization, and varying levels of political commitment. Based on the examples provided, many of which draw on the concluding observations of the Committee on the Rights of the Child and case studies of civil society activities, the paper lists recommendations for follow-up by key actors. In so doing, this paper seeks to provide concrete recommendations to government, the Committee, and actors at national, regional and international level.

This working paper provides an overview of the transitional process in Colombia and Peru, focusing on the situation of children. The adoption of judicial and administrative measures to deal with human rights violations from the past (Peru) and the present (Colombia) is a tool towards the consolidation of democratic institutions. While individual initiatives have been undertaken in both countries, addressing the situation of children in an integrated, comprehensive way is a persistent challenge, as is the exploration of legal tools as a means to demand responsibility.

This paper reviews and analyses psychosocial support as an essential tool for protection of the rights of children participating in transitional justice mechanisms. Strategies for offering psychosocial support to children involved in transitional justice mechanisms can cover a wide range of interventions. Experiences show that the availability of psychosocial support in combination with effective protection strategies allow children to participate safely, improve the quality of their testimony and protect them against potential harm caused by their participation. The paper first looks at psychosocial factors that affect children‟s participation in transitional justice mechanisms. These factors largely determine children‟s need for protection and support and can reflect children‟s responses to their involvement in transitional justice processes. A distinction has to be made between psychosocial factors related to the child and his or her experiences during the conflict on the one side, and factors determined by the type of transitional mechanism on the other. Children‟s participation in transitional justice processes is influenced significantly by their personal experiences during the conflict; cognitive, social and emotional development; coping skills and social support. These factors influence children‟s capacity to give an accurate statement, cope with the stress of testifying, be confronted with the accused and deal with cross-examination. These have important implications for the choice of support strategies. While all children are affected by armed conflict, some are particularly vulnerable, including children who were direct victims of violence, children associated with armed forces or groups, victims of sexual violence or those who have very limited support in the current situation. The nature of the transitional justice mechanism determines children‟s role in the process, in terms of whether they give a statement, testify in court, participate in a hearing, make a submission or are cross-examined. These characteristics also influence the consequences of children‟s involvement, including possible threats to which they will be exposed. In judicial mechanisms such as international or hybrid tribunals, witnesses are mainly considered providers of evidence, and their involvement is very much shaped by strict rules of procedure and evidence. The adversarial system, common in many of these mechanisms, also puts a heavy burden on witnesses, particularly children. At the same time, international or hybrid tribunals usually have significantly more resources to set up support mechanisms and to establish protective measures for witnesses. Non-judicial mechanisms, in particular truth commissions, can tailor their procedures more easily to meet the needs and capacities of children. Children‟s participation can also take different forms and include innovative forms such as special hearings or submissions by children‟s groups. In addition, the absence of punitive elements and an adversarial process reduces the burden on witnesses and the potential threat against them. However, these mechanisms often lack the resources and mandate to ensure support and protection for children who participate. Second, this paper summarizes the legal framework guiding psychosocial support and protection of children in justice, truth and reconciliation processes. The Convention on the Rights of the Child forms the backbone of the legal framework for the protection and support of children in transitional justice mechanisms. Other instruments relevant for child victims and witnesses include the 1985 Declaration of Basic Principles of Justice for Victims of Crime and Abuse of Power, which outlines benchmarks for the protection of victims of crime, and the UN Guidelines on Justice in Matters involving Child Victims and Witnesses. Further, this paper analyses the strengths and weaknesses of past and current policies and procedures regulating the psychosocial support of children. Throughout the short history of transitional justice mechanisms psychosocial support for witnesses has developed in response to the growing involvement of child victims. The Special Court for Sierra Leone, the International Criminal Court and the truth commissions in Sierra Leone and in Liberia have put in place a variety of measures to protect the rights of child victims and witnesses participating in procedures. The following measures are discussed in the article: Integration of provisions for protection and support into the regulatory framework of transitional justice mechanisms; Selection of specialized staff and adequate training of all staff on issues related to dealing with child witnesses; Vulnerability assessment of potential child witnesses; Individual support and counselling before, during and after testimony; Establishment of protective measures before, during and after testimony; Long-term support and referral; Involvement of the community in support strategies and the use of local approaches to healing. Based on these experiences, a number of challenges are presented related to the involvement of children in transitional justice mechanisms, including the need to balance the right to participation and the right to protection. The paper looks as well at the discrepancy between the resources made available for different justice mechanisms and the possibilities for child participation that they can offer. Also discussed is the necessity to manage expectations of victims and witnesses involved in transitional justice mechanisms. The paper concludes with a number of recommendations for enhancing the protection of children in transitional justice mechanisms.

The last several decades have witnessed a dramatic change in the methods of warfare. Civilians are now increasingly targets of violence, not just mere victims of collateral damage. Among civilians targeted, children and youth are subject to acts of violence, including enforced disappearances and enforced conscription. Children have been forcibly disappeared and forcibly conscripted in many countries including Argentina, El Salvador and northern Uganda. This paper focuses on the use or potential use of deoxyribonucleic acid (DNA) or genetic testing to identify disappeared children (otherwise referred to as genetic tracing) in Argentina, El Salvador and northern Uganda and on how this evidence may be used to achieve justice. Identification of the disappeared, family reunification, support for the disappeared and redress for families of the disappeared have been identified as crucial to achieving justice in the wake of mass atrocities.1 Genetic tracing has proved to be an exceptionally powerful tool to identify disappeared children, facilitate family reunification and seek accountability in countries such as Argentina and El Salvador. It could likewise play a crucial role in regions such as northern Uganda that are on the verge of emerging from armed conflict and will face similar post-conflict challenges.

This paper examines truth and reconciliation commissions that have made reference to a longer-term role for education in coming to terms with the past and contributing towards future reconciliation. The countries reviewed are Guatemala, Liberia, Peru, Sierra Leone, South Africa and Timor-Leste. Some have developed strategies for children‟s participation and made recommendations for inclusion in the formal school curriculum. However, recommendations regarding a role for education have usually been very general in nature, with little specification of what is expected of educators in practical terms and little follow-through by education authorities. The paper therefore identifies a number of challenges if education is to have a role in truth and reconciliation. It also identifies potential areas for educational development and recommendations for future actions.

This paper is among the first to analyse children‟s experiences of reparations programmes, taking into consideration programmes from Africa, Asia and Latin America. The violence, abuse and hardship that girls and boys suffer during armed conflict and political violence under authoritarian and dictatorial regimes continues to severely affect their development long after the end of war or demise of the violent regime. They experience violations of their civil, political, social, economic and cultural rights, including the rights to life, freedom of movement and association, education, health and family, which embraces the right to knowing and being cared for by their parents. Their rights to development and to a safe and healthy environment are also violated. It is not possible to fully repair children who have experienced such harms. Nonetheless, girls and boys have a right to remedy and reparation under international law – to benefit from reparation in material, symbolic, individual and collective forms. This working paper draws from reparation as conceived in the United Nations Resolution on Basic Principles and Guidelines on the Right to a Remedy and Reparation for Victims of Gross Violations of International Human Rights Law and Serious Violations of International Humanitarian Law (2005). It offers a concise overview of trends in reparation programmes set up to address situations of armed conflict and under authoritarian and dictatorial regimes where children are subjected to systematic forms of grave violence. The authors demonstrate the failure to name and address grave rights violations against children in www.unicef-irc.org. past reparations programmes and efforts, much to the detriment of surviving children. The authors argue that at the heart of much of the violence against children in situations of armed conflict is the terrible damage done to relationships and social fabric among individuals, communities, societies and cultures. Recognizing the need to address the healing of relationships and reweaving of social fabric, in part through reparation, the paper offers suggestions for reparation approaches that could lead to better informing and shaping reparation responses for child victims.