Bangladesh
Bangladeshi migrant workers in Malaysia’s construction sector
The 1980s and 1990s were characterized by an absorption of foreign labour into the Malaysian economy that was unprecedented in terms of numbers and rapidity. From approximately 500000 foreign workers in 1984 (Ministry of Human Resources 1991) their numbers shot up beyond 1.2 million in 1991 (Pillai 1992) and 2.4 million in early 1998 (Utusan Malaysia 1998). Labour voids manifested particularly during the high-growth period of 1988-1997 were the main inducing agent. Construction was among the sectors which came to rely heavily on foreign workers owing to a confluence of factors: Malaysian youth’s aversion to low-status work an expanding manufacturing sector which was offering much better employment conditions labour attrition widening opportunities for tertiary education a lower birth rate and the emigration of Malaysian workers to high-wage countries such as Japan and Singapore (Abdul-Aziz 1995). The Construction Workers Union estimated that in 1987 about 60 per cent of the 300000-350000 workers in the industry were immigrants (Gill 1988). Pillai (1992) estimated that by 1991 70 per cent of the construction workforce comprised immigrants while the author’s own study (Abdul-Aziz 1995) conducted in 1995 found that in the major cities of Georgetown Kuala Lumpur and Johor Bahru foreign workers made up in excess of 80 per cent of site operatives. During this time the nationality of site operatives especially for the undocumented diversified in tandem with the augmentation of the labour movement. As for legal entry at the time of writing Malaysia had granted to five countries namely Bangladesh Indonesia Pakistan the Philippines and Thailand permission to export their surplus construction labour to Malaysia.
The importance of field-workers in Bangladesh’s family planning programme
The high cost and low quality of services indicate that other models of service delivery need to be considered.
Quality characteristics of field workers and contraceptive use dynamics: Lessons from Matlab, Bangladesh
In recent years the quality of services of the family planning programme has been identified as a fundamental determinant of contraceptive use and continuation since the potential clients are more sceptical and more concerned with the quality of care than past clients (Hull 1996; Jain 1989; Koenig and others 1997; Mroz and others 1999; Simmons and Phillips 1990). However the quality of care which consists of a series of varied and interacting factors has been defined in different ways in different contexts by various experts (Adeokun 1994; Bertrand and others 1995; Brown and others 1995; Bruce 1990: Hardee and Gould. 1993). hi his classical study. Brace (1990) has identified six elements of quality of care in family planning such as choice of contraceptive methods providers’ technical competence provider-client information exchange interpersonal relations mechanisms to encourage continuity of contraceptive use and appropriate constellation of services. Jain (1989) stated that quality of care refers to the way clients are treated by the system providing sendees. Quality of care in this sense places much emphasis on the interpersonal dimension of interactions between providers and clients. In this context the role of field workers is crucial in fulfilling the demand for quality of care as they are the programme representatives working at maintaining the important link between the programme and the clients. Clients interact with the programme through outreach staff who promote the practice of contraception disseminate information and distribute supplies.
Fertility transition in Bangladesh: Trends and determinants
In the late 1970s there was a consensus that pronounced fertility declines had occurred in many developing countries (Dyson and Murphy 1985; Knodel 1984). Bangladesh however was an exception and even if some changes in fertility did take place any analysis of those changes would be severely hampered owing to the poor quality and unreliability of its data. Nonetheless because of recent improvements in data quality particularly since the middle of the last decade it is possible to examine trends in fertility patterns for the period 1975 -1985. However some data from earlier periods are also used for drawing conclusions. Note should be taken of the fact that these data have specific methodological problems that raise questions about their comparability over time and cross-sectionally. Therefore caution must be exercised in interpreting the estimates.
Menstrual regulation practices in Bangladesh: An unrecognized form of contraception
Menstrual regulation (MR) refers to any chemical mechanical or surgical process used to induce menstruation and thus to establish non-pregnancy either at the time of or within a few weeks of the due date of the menstruation (Population Information Programme 1973; Tietze and Murstein 1975; Dixon-Muller 1988). It involves the vacuum aspiration of the uterine lining and is usually done within few weeks (preferably eight weeks or less) following a missed menstrual period.
Readiness, willingness and ability to use contraception in Bangladesh
In his frequently quoted article Coale (1973) proposes that one weakness of the demographic transition theory is that it indicates a high degree of modernization as sufficient to cause a fall of fertility without indicating the degree of modernization that is necessary. By summarizing the findings of historical studies of European communities Coale proposed three broad conditions necessary for fertility transition. He argued that modernization ultimately establishes these conditions but that they can also occur in communities that have undergone little modernization. Lesthaeghe and Vanderhoeft (1998) later described the three conditions for fertility transition under the heading “readiness” “willingness” and “ability”. Economic readiness means that fertility control must be advantageous to the actor so that fertility is within the calculus of conscious choice. Willingness means that fertility control must be legitimate and normatively acceptable. The basic question addressed by “willingness” is to what extent fertility control runs counter to established traditional beliefs and codes of conduct and to what extent there is a willingness to overcome objections and fears. Ability refers to the availability and accessibility of contraceptive techniques. Similarly Ahmed (1987: 363) applying Easterlin’s supply-demand theory of fertility observes that “studies on contraceptive use most often view three variables-motivation attitude and access-as the key determinants”. Motivation stems from having or expecting to have too many children or having them too soon. Although this has similarity with Coale’s notion of “economic readiness” it does not necessarily capture whether fertility control is economically advantageous to an individual. In this paper the authors name Easterlin’s notion of motivation as simply “readiness” to distinguish it from Coale’s broader notion of “economic readiness”. Attitude refers to broad notions of acceptability of family planning in general and feelings about specific contraceptive methods in particular and is similar to Coale’s notion of willingness. Access or the “costs of fertility regulation” as described by Easterlin (1975) pertains to the availability of contraceptives and selected services and is similar to Coale’s notion of ability.
Translating pilot project success into national policy development: Two projects in Bangladesh
Prescriptions for policy change pervade the research literature on population programmes. While the audience for such conclusions may be receptive to the wisdom imparted established bureaucracies resist systemic renewal and reform. Even if policies are modified in response to research the promulgated changes often fail to influence what public-sector programmes actually do since bureaucratic traditions outweigh reasoned responses to research outcomes.
Role of government family planning workers and health centres as determinants of contraceptive use in Bangladesh
The use of contraceptives in Bangladesh has risen steadily over the last two decades. In 1975 the contraceptive prevalence rate (CPR) was 8 per cent and rose to 40 per cent in 1991. The country experienced the steepest increase in CPR between 1975 and 1985: the rates rose from 8 per cent to 25 per cent a more than three-fold increase in only 10 years.
Measuring autonomy: Evidence from Bangladesh
The search for rigorous transparent and domain-specific measures of empowerment that can be used for gender analysis is ongoing. This paper explores the added value of a new measure of domain-specific autonomy. This direct measure of motivational autonomy emanates from the “selfdetermination theory” (Ryan and Deci 2000). We examine in detail the Relative Autonomy Index (RAI) for individuals using data representative of Bangladeshi rural areas. Based on descriptive statistical analyses we conclude that the measure and its scale perform broadly well in terms of conceptual validity and reliability. Based on an exploratory analysis of the determinants of autonomy of men and women in Bangladesh we find that neither age education nor income are suitable proxies for autonomy. This implies that the RAI adds new information about individuals and as such could represent a promising avenue for further empirical exploration as a quantitative yet nuanced measure of domain-specific empowerment.
Bangladeshi migrant workers in Singapore: The view from inside
Since the end of the Second World War the international migration of labour has grown in volume and changed in character (Castles and Miller 1998). It has also been observed that there are two main phases in post-Second World War migration (Castles and Miller 1998 p.67). In the first phase from 1945 to the early 1970s large numbers of migrant workers were drawn from less developed countries into the fast-expanding industrial areas of Western Europe and North America. However the organized recruitment of migrant workers by industrialized countries ended in the early 1970s owing mainly to the fundamental restructuring of the global economy and the politicization of migration (Castles 2001). The second phase began in Asia in the mid-1970s. The phenomenal rise in oil prices since the end of 1973 generated a huge demand for temporary migrants in Middle Eastern countries. This massive demand for temporary migrants resulted in an enormous flow of labour to oil-rich Arab countries. In addition since the mid-1980s the demand for temporary migrants grew in the prosperous countries of East and South-East Asia and a large number of migrants migrated to these countries for temporary employment. Bangladeshi migrants are found in both destinations.
International labour recruitment: Channelling Bangladeshi labour to east and south-east Asia
International labour migration in Asia has experienced the most rapid growth in the last few decades. There are two major destination regions for labour migrants in Asia: Middle East and East and South-East Asia. In addition to countries of the Middle East since the early 1980s we observe a sustained growth of foreign manpower in the prosperous countries of East and South-East Asia particularly Singapore Malaysia the Republic of Korea and Japan. Those countries have followed specific temporary migrant worker programmes in recruiting foreign workers although the name and nature of the programmes vary. One can identify two types of temporary labour migration programmes implemented in the region – the “work permit” and the “trainee” programmes. Each migrant worker programme offers different rights and privileges to migrants. Malaysia and Singapore hire foreign workers under the “work permit” system which provides special benefits to them as workers. But the Republic of Korea and Japan pursue a conservative policy with regard to the admission of foreign workers. They hire foreign workers mainly under the “trainee” system which restricts benefits as trainees are not formally recognized as workers. In general labour migration policies in the receiving countries in Asia can be broadly summarized as follows: limiting labour migration limiting the duration of migration and limiting integration (Piper 2004: 75).
Consistency in reporting contraception among couples in Bangladesh
Effect of famine on child survival in Matlab, Bangladesh
Famine is defined as widespread food shortage leading to a significant rise in regional mortality (Blix 1971). Historically major causes of famine have been natural calamities. However in modern times when a natural disaster causes insufficient production of food political and social factors play an important role in determining whether famine becomes widespread and who is affected (Alamgir 1980; Langsten 1985; Sen 1980).
Maternal mortality in rural Bangladesh: Lessons learned from gonoshasthaya Kendra programme villages
Bangladesh has made significant strides towards achieving the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs); however the scorecard on maternal health falls short of expectations. According to the MDG target Bangladesh is expected to reduce the maternal mortality ratio (MMR) from around 574 maternal deaths due to pregnancy and childbirth-related complications per 100000 live births in 1990 to 143 by 2015. Despite some progress only 44 per cent of this target was achieved by 2000. An additional 56 per cent reduction has to be achieved to meet the MDG target in less than a decade. MMR was estimated to be around 320 per 100000 live births during 1998-2000 (NIPORT and Johns Hopkins University 2003). An estimated 14000 Bangladeshi women die from pregnancy and childbirth-related complications per year (UNFPA 2006).
Impacts of bio-social factors on morbidity among children aged under-5 in Bangladesh
Stretching over 147570 square kilometres of land and with a population exceeding 131 million Bangladesh is the world’s ninth most populous country. It is also one of the most densely populated (834 persons per sq. km.) (BBS 2001). Over-population and poverty are pervasive in Bangladesh and causing hazards such as morbidity. Children aged under five years whom are naturally innocent vulnerable and dependent on their parents often suffer from viral and infectious diseases. The future of a nation is linked to the well-being of its children which depends to a large extent on children’s health status. The aim of this study is to examine the prevalence of morbidity among children aged under-5 (0-59 months) in Bangladesh and to determine the factors causing such morbidity.
Levels and trends in child malnutrition in Bangladesh
Malnutrition is a persistent problem for both children and mother throughout the world. In developing countries malnutrition is an important root of infant and young child mortality morbidity and reduced life span. It is considered that if malnutrition cannot be reduced and prevented it will be impossible to achieve many of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) including the goals on extreme poverty and hungry primary education child mortality and incidence of infectious diseases. The World Summit for Children in 1990 recognized malnutrition as a contributing factor in half of all deaths occurring among young children. The nutrition goals for the decade 1990-2000 include reduction of both moderate and severe protein-energy malnutrition among children under five years of age by one half of the 1990 levels (UNICEF 1990). However the reduction of child malnutrition by half in a decade was one of the most ambitious goals set by the various summits convened during the 1990s. As a result all of the nutrition goals were not successfully achieved during the period 1990-2000. As a step towards building a strong foundation for attaining the internally agreed development goals including the MDGs a consistent set of intermediate targets and benchmarks during the course of the decade (2000-2010) were set to help the unmet goals (UNICEF 2003; United Nations 2001). One of the most important goals regarding nutrition during the period 2000-2010 was the one on reducing child malnutrition among children aged under five by at least one third of the 2000 levels with special attention paid to children under two years of age—especially reduction of stunted and underweighted children by at least one third during the period 2000-2010 (UNICEF 2002).
Young, low-parity women: Critical target group for family planning in Bangladesh
After years of persistent low levels contraceptive prevalence in Bangladesh is beginning to rise albeit slowly (figure 1). This occurs none too soon. Bangladesh densely populated and poor endures a population growth rate that is still quite high even by third world standards.
Community characteristics, leaders, fertility and contraception in Bangladesh
Fertility behaviour is determined mainly by the characteristics of individuals but also by social cultural community and institutional factors. The primary aim of this article is to investigate the influence of social and economic institutions on fertility and contraception.
Impact of a self-reliance programme on family planning activities in Bangladesh
Despite the long history of the family planning programme in Bangladesh the contraceptive prevalence level remains low and consequently the rate of population growth has remained persistently high. Several factors can be attributed to low contraceptive prevalence. The most important factors are low levels of socio-economic development the lower status of women the strong preference for sons the high level of infant and child mortality and limited access to health and family planning facilities.
Is development really the best contraceptive?: A 20-year trial in Comilla District, Bangladesh
The present generally accepted theoretical approach to understanding fertility sees population and development as mutually interacting; that is fertility affects development and development affects fertility as well. The effect of high fertility and rapid population growth on development goals has been well-understood since Coale and Hoover’s pioneering effort in 1958 but the notion that development programmes other than family plannin programmes as such affect fertility is a somewhat newer and more novel idea.
Family planning choice behaviour in urban slums of Bangladesh: An econometric approach
Policy measures in their dimensions urgency and intensity should differ between Bangladesh’s metrocities.
Differential pattern of birth intervals in Bangladesh
Differences in a country’s fertility levels can be attributed to the differences in the length of the reproductive life of women and differences in the length of time between births when women are exposed to the risk of conception. Analysis of those factors influencing the span and those affecting the spacing of fertility has proven useful since in many cases they appear to vary quite substantially across populations (Rodriguez and others 1984). In recent years policy makers and planners have focused a great deal of attention on the birth interval and its determinants. The reasons are that not only does the number of births a women may have during her reproductive span depend on the spacing between the births but also there is a significant link between birth spacing and maternal and child health (Miller and others 1992). Thus the spacing of births through a deliberately prolonged interval between births and a delay in child bearing following marriage could be logical alternative strategies for fertility control.
Marriage patterns and some issues related to adolescent marriage in Bangladesh
Adolescents their parents and the community should be made more aware of the negative consequences of early marriage early pregnancy and large family size
The contraceptive potential of lactation for Bangladeshi women
Lactational amenorrhoea deserves careful consideration within the family planning programme.
Influence of son preference on contraceptive use in Bangladesh
Son preference is commonly believed to be widespread in South Asia and in many developing countries particularly where women are economically and socially dependent on men (Bairagi and Langsten 1986; Arnold and Kuo 1984; Cleland and others 1983; Vlasoff 1990). Analysing Demographic Health Survey data from 57 countries Arnold (1997) showed that son preference remains strong in South Asian countries and in that area Bangladesh has the highest ratio of preference for sons over daughters. Sons are generally preferred over daughters owing to a complex interplay of economic and socio-cultural factors. Sons contribute more than daughters to family income provide adequate support in old age to their parents impose less of a financial burden and carry forward the family name (Nag 1991; Ali 1989). On the other hand the birth of a daughter is seen as bringing neither ‘benefit” nor “prestige” to the family. Daughters are often considered as an economic liability because of the dowry system as well as the high cost of weddings. Once married daughters become physically as well as psychologically isolated from their natal home and are seldom seen as making significant contributions to their natal family (Chowdhury 1994). Thus when the net utility of having a son outweighs that of having a daughter parents are likely to prefer sons to daughters and may be reluctant to stop childbearing until their desired number of sons has been achieved.
Mothers’ health-seeking behaviour and infant and child mortality in Bangladesh
Reproductive health care is being promoted as a way to address a range of women’s health needs as well as improve the quality of services provided for current family planning users. By reducing ill health and premature deaths reproductive health care is considered a worthy investment in its own right. It also may encourage more women to adopt family planning and thereby lower fertility rates. Women in developing countries face a number of special health risks associated with sexuality and childbearing. According to the World Bank (1993) about one third of the total disease burden that women face is linked to pregnancy childbirth abortion and various reproductive tract disorders. Women are more susceptible to sexually transmitted diseases (STDs) including HIV than men (Aitken and Reichenbach 1994) and can pass these on to their unborn children.
The quality of care provided at union health and family welfare centres in Bangladesh: Clients’ perspectives
The Government of Bangladesh attempts to provide reproductive health services that emphasize maternal and child health (MCH) and family planning at different service delivery tiers through a variety of service providers. For this purpose it has established an extensive network of reproductive health services that reaches almost every village in the country. Female field workers known as family welfare assistants (FWAs) work at the grassroots level and provide information and counselling on various aspects of reproductive health and refer clients when necessary to clinics. They also distribute oral contraceptives and condoms at the homes of married women of reproductive age identify pregnant women and refer them to static points of service delivery i.e. health and family welfare centres for ante-natal care and for obtaining clinical contraceptives.
Recent changes in marriage patterns in rural Bangladesh
Apart from effective legislation and its enforcement suitable welfare schemes can facilitate increasing the age at marriage.
Improvement in female survival: A quiet revolution in Bangladesh
Biologically a female is more capable of surviving than a male (Madigan 1957). This fact is also reflected in the Model Life Tables (Coale and Demeney 1983) which are based on a compilation of historical European data and from a few quite limited data sets available in the early 1960s for other regions of the world. Currently in most of the developed countries the expectation of life at birth for a female is longer than for a male by five or six years. However the picture was different until recently in several South Asian countries including Bangladesh (DSS 1992) where expectation of life for males was higher than for females. The scenario started to change recently in this country (DSS 1995). However the expectation of life is an age-standardized summary measure of mortality and does not give a clear picture of the change in mortality in different age groups. Mortality may be affected differently at different ages by various events such as birth which affects a female only and different life-styles such as occupation. In this article an attempt has been made to examine the time trends of mortality and make a relative comparison of the mortality change between males and females in different age groups in a rural area in Bangladesh.
Overseas migration and the well-being of those left behind in rural communities of Bangladesh
Remittances not only contribute to raising economic well-being but can also modify the behaviour of the sending communities.
Demographic transition in Bangladesh: What happened in the twentieth century and what will happen next?
At the beginning of the twentieth century the total population of Bangladesh was less than 30 million. The annual growth rate of the population was less than 1 per cent until 1951 when the population reached about 44 million (Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics 1998). From the early 1950s mortality started to decline while fertility remained high until the 1970s. Owing to the changes in fertility and mortality rates from the 1950s the population started to grow at an unprecedented rate reaching an all-time high (about 2.5 per cent per year) in the 1960s and 1970s. The growth rate then started to decline in the 1980s and is currently about 1.5 per cent per year (figure 1). At the close of the twentieth century the population of Bangladesh stood at about 130 million.
Reproductive change in Bangladesh: Evidence from recent data
The removal of the social psychic and economic costs of contraception coupled with efforts to ’crytallize’ demand would hasten the fertility decline.
Factors affecting the use of contraception in Bangladesh: A multivariate analysis
Improvement of the status of women and enhancement of contraceptive supply through visits by field workers would make the family planning programme more effective and successful
Biological and behavioural determinants of fertility in Bangladesh
Women will readily accept contraception if services are made available in a culturally appropriate manner.
Factors influencing child mortality in Bangladesh and their implications for the national health programme
The Government should consider strategies to reduce poverty expand schooling particularly for girls and help to strengthen women’s ability to care for their families.
Problems and prospects of implants as a contraceptive method in Bangladesh
Norplant is an acceptable method of family planning and should be made available along with other methods of contraception.
Breast-feeding in Bangladesh: Patterns and impact on fertility
Measures should be taken that will help to promote the practice of breast-feeding
Determinants of contraceptive method choice in rural Bangladesh
Bangladesh has experienced a dramatic decline in fertility unprecedented for a country with such poor social and economic conditions. The total fertility rate (TFR) declined from about 7.0 children per woman in the 1970s to around 3.5 per woman in the period 1993-1994 (ESCAP 1981; Mitra and others 1994). The Bangladesh Family Planning Programme is recognized as a success story in the contemporary third world (Cleland and others 1994). However the country still has a high population growth rate and needs to reach replacement-level fertility as soon as possible. The national contraceptive prevalence rate (CPR) of about 45 per cent (as of 1993) should be raised to over 70 per cent to achieve replacement-level fertility.
Unmet contraceptive need in Bangladesh: Evidence from the 1993/94 and 1996/97 demographic and health surveys
Young married women deserve special consideration because unmet need is highest among them.
Levels, trends and determinants of child mortality in Matlab, Bangladesh, 1966-1994
There has been a substantial decline in child mortality in Bangladesh since the 1940s particularly in the last two decades (Huq and Cleland 1990; Cleland and Streatfield 1992; ICDDRB 1984; 1994). Yet with an infant mortality rate at about 100 deaths per thousand live births and an under-five mortality rate of about 130 per thousand (in 1994) child mortality is still a burning problem in Bangladesh. To develop interventions to reduce infant and child mortality it is important to know the factors responsible for mortality decline and the factors that work as obstacles to its further decline in this country.
Family planning and fertility in Bangladesh
Bangladesh has achieved a considerable increase in contraceptive use over the past decade resulting in an appreciable decline in fertility. The programme efforts have been largely facilitated by major changes over the past two decades both positive and negative. Positive changes include female education female empowerment female mobility and access to the media. Negative changes include increasing landlessness and rising unemployment and underemployment. Also other changes have taken place such as change in the family size norm and a decline in infant and child mortality (Caldwell and others 1999). In addition fertility decline is also due to other proximate determinants besides contraceptive use.
The social and demographic correlates of divorce in rural Bangladesh
Divorce is one of the processes of marriage termination and normally carries with it the loss of the potential for reproduction. The degree to which the reproductive life-span will be affected depends on how long the divorced woman remains outside of a conjugal relationship and on whether or not she remarries. Because a large proportion of divorce occurs at the younger ages in Bangladesh the time spent in the divorced state may have a considerable impact on fertility. As suggested by Shryock and Siegel (1975) divorce statistics can be applied indirectly in fertility analysis. Davis and others (1956) recognized the changing structure of the family the entry of women into labour force and an emphasis on personal gratification as products of urbanization and industrialization. However their outlook has little relevance in a non-industrialized society such as Bangladesh. According to Malaysia’s 1970 census the incidence of divorce is greater in rural areas than in urban areas (Jones 1980). Similarly in Bangladesh the divorce rate is higher in rural areas than in urban areas for every age group (Ahmed and Chowdhury 1981). It is widely believed that the presence of children in a family deters divorce in all societies. According to Jacobson (1950) three-fifths of divorced couples in the United States of America had no children. Reyna (1979) found that 49 per cent of the women divorced were without children.
The determinants of first and subsequent births in urban and rural areas of Bangladesh
Increasing urbanization will hasten the current trend in fertility reduction.
Adolescent childbearing in Bangladesh
In recent decades adolescent childbearing has emerged as an issue of increasing concern throughout the developing and the developed world (Jones 1997; Shaikh 1997; Islam and Mahmud 1996). There is a growing awareness that early childbearing is a health risk for both the mother and the child. Also it usually terminates a girl’s educational career threatening her future economic prospects earning capacity and overall well-being (United Nations 1995). Thus adolescent childbearing has significant ramifications at the personal societal and global levels. At the personal level childbearing at an early age can shape and alter the entire future life of an adolescent girl. From the perspective of societies and governments adolescent pregnancy and childbearing have a strong and unwelcome association with low levels of educational achievement for young women which in turn may have a negative impact on their position in and potential contribution to society. Usually in both developed and developing countries the rates of population growth are more rapid when women have their first child before they are in their twenties (Senderowitz and Paxman 1985; Mazur 1997). The period of adolescence encompasses the transition from childhood to adulthood during the second decade of life. It is one of the most crucial periods in an individual’s life because during adolescence many key social economic biological and demographic events occur that set the stage for adult life.
Effects of the productive role of Bangladeshi women on their reproductive decisions
The role of reproductive health care in reducing maternal mortality and morbidity has been widely reported; in most developing countries however women still have little control over their sexuality and reproductive decisions (Cook and Fathalla 1996; Hadi 1999). This adverse situation has direct impacts on fertility maternal morbidity the transmission of sexually transmitted diseases and neonatal mortality (Heise Moore and Toubia 1995; Sadik 1998; Berer 2000). Although feminists have long been struggling to improve conditions for women reproductive rights issues have only recently been getting recognition in demographic discourse. The long-term effects of violations of reproductive rights are not yet adequately understood although it has been reported that abused women might have developed multiple medical complications such as chronic pelvic pain and somaticized symptoms. Although sex is a natural part of life the ability of women to determine when they should copulate has a strong positive association with the prevention of unwanted pregnancy (Cook and Fathalla 1996).
Client satisfaction with sterilization procedure in Bangladesh
The findings dispel the misconception that the decline in the number of sterilization cases in the late 1980s was due to growing dissatisfaction among sterilized clients
Levels and trends in post-partum amenorrhoea, breast-feeding and birth intervals in Matlab, Bangladesh: 1978-1989
The adoption of modern contraceptive methods appears to have more than compensated for the sharp drop in the length of post-partum amenorrhoea.
La réalisation des objectifs énergétiques durables au Bangladesh
Costs of rearing children in agricultural economies: An alternative estimation approach and findings from rural Bangladesh
The keys to fertility decline would appear to lie in structural changes in the economy the satisfaction of existing demand for family planning services and generation of additional demand