Singapore
Bangladeshi migrant workers in Singapore: The view from inside
Since the end of the Second World War the international migration of labour has grown in volume and changed in character (Castles and Miller 1998). It has also been observed that there are two main phases in post-Second World War migration (Castles and Miller 1998 p.67). In the first phase from 1945 to the early 1970s large numbers of migrant workers were drawn from less developed countries into the fast-expanding industrial areas of Western Europe and North America. However the organized recruitment of migrant workers by industrialized countries ended in the early 1970s owing mainly to the fundamental restructuring of the global economy and the politicization of migration (Castles 2001). The second phase began in Asia in the mid-1970s. The phenomenal rise in oil prices since the end of 1973 generated a huge demand for temporary migrants in Middle Eastern countries. This massive demand for temporary migrants resulted in an enormous flow of labour to oil-rich Arab countries. In addition since the mid-1980s the demand for temporary migrants grew in the prosperous countries of East and South-East Asia and a large number of migrants migrated to these countries for temporary employment. Bangladeshi migrants are found in both destinations.
“Successful Ageing for Singapore”?: Financial (in)security of elderly persons
Many developed countries across the world have populations that are rapidly ageing. In East and South-East Asia Singapore together with Japan the Republic of Korea and Thailand has the fastest growing 65 years and older population (Westley 1998: 1; Gubhaju 2003: 3). While Japan has doubled its proportion of elderly persons from 10 to 20 per cent over 28 years Singapore will reach this demographic leap in 17 years. In 2003 7.6 per cent of the Singapore population was over 65 years of age (Ministry of Community Development and Sports (MCDS)** 2004a). Owing to improved health care health insurance and socio-economic conditions life expectancy has increased in Singapore with large numbers of people from the pre-war baby boom era surviving into their 60s and forming the country’s growing elderly population. According to estimates for 2004 life expectancy at birth for men stands at 76.9 of age and for females at 80.9 (Department of Statistics 2004). As such demographers have attested to Singapore having the fastest ageing population in the world (Ogawa 2003: 95-96; Mehta and Vasoo 2001: 186; ESCAP 2002); it has been projected that its ageing population is growing at an unprecedented rate of 3.7 per cent annually (MCDS 2004b) with the oldest-old cohort (aged 85 and above) growing the fastest (Chan 2001: 3).
Singapore’s family values: Do they explain low fertility?
To the Government of Singapore the country’s declining marriage and fertility rates are serious national problems. It believes that those trends will have negative consequences for economic growth and Singapore’s overall quality of life in the future as Singapore faces a “greying population”. In 2003 there were 21962 marriages registered lower than 2002 (23189) the 1990s (average 24000) and the 1980s (average 23000) (Singapore Department of Statistics 2004: 14). Between 1970 and 1975 Singapore’s total fertility rate averaged 2.6; in 1980 it was 1.80; in 1986 1.43; in 1990 1.83; in 2000 1.60; and in 2003 it had fallen to 1.24.1 During the same period the population census also found that there was a higher proportion of Singaporeans remaining unmarried. In the Singapore Census of Population 2000 for the age group 30-34 one in three Singaporean males and one in five Singaporean females were unmarried (Singapore Department of Statistics 2001: 2). The State is particularly concerned that Singapore’s future economy will be unable to sustain an ageing population where 20 per cent of the population would be aged 65 and older by 2030 (Singapore Department of Statistics 2002: 6).
Muslim fertility transition: The case of the Singapore Malays
It is generally believed that the higher level of fertility prevailing in some populations has been sustained by certain religious tenets favouring large family norms. There are numerous studies which have demonstrated that Roman Catholicism has played an important role in upholding fertility at a relatively higher level on account of its consistent condemnation of artificial methods of birth control (Day 1968; Murphy and Erhart 1975). There are still other studies which have linked the relatively higher fertility prevailing in most Muslim populations to certain Islamic teachings concerning population control (Kirk 1968; Nagi and Stockwell 1982). There is however no general concensus among Muslim religious authorities about the different forms of birth control: the majority endorsing family planning some sanctioning induced abortion and most opposing sterilization.
Is institutionalization the answer for the elderly? The case of Singapore
Ageing of the population is a demographic phenomenon normally associated with developed countries. This particular trend is currently of concern to Singapore. In 1957 43 per cent of the population was below 15 years of age and the elderly aged 60 and over never exceeded 4 per cent of the total population. The median age of the population was at that time 18.8 years (Chen and Cheung 1988). In 1989 persons aged 60 years and older comprised 8.6 per cent of the total population. In absolute numbers this constituted 229700 people (Department of Statistics 1989). By 1987 the median age had matured to 28.4 years (Chen and Cheung 1988). It has been projected that one in every four persons will be 60 years or older by the year 2030 (Ministry of Home Affairs 1989). Data compiled from the U.S. Bureau of Census projected that in Singapore the increase in the number of elderly between 1985 and 2025 will be approximately 348 per cent the second highest of 31 countries surveyed (Straits Times 7 November 1988).
Micro-consequences of low fertility in Singapore
The fertility decline of Singapore is often cited as a success story of a developing country’s effort to balance population growth with economic development. Since achieving nationhood in 1965 Singapore’s fertility has fallen by almost 70 per cent in about 20 years: the total fertility rate (TFR) dropped from 4.66 in 1965 to a historic low of 1.44 in 1986 after breaking through the replacement level in 1975. The size of successive birth cohorts also fell by about one-third even though the number of married women of reproductive ages increased by more than 70 per cent. After 15 years of below-replacement fertility Singapore can be characterized truly as a lowfertility society.
Three decades of breast-feeding trends in Singapore
Despite the well-documented benefits of breast-feeding for both infant and mother breast-feeding has until recently been given little support. World Health Organization data (WHO 1981) support the conclusion that as countries undergo socio-economic development there is a tendency for the incidence of breast-feeding to decline (Kent 1981). Many factors contribute to such changes in breast-feeding behaviour. Whilst urbanization and industrialization have been associated historically with declines in breast-feeding (and indeed still appear to be in certain developing countries) the proportion of mothers now returning to breast-feeding in some industrialized countries e.g. Sweden and the United States of America is increasing.
Beyond demographic transition: Industrialization and population change in Singapore
Singapore is one of the first Asian countries to have adopted a vigorous population programme as part of its socio-economic development strategy. In 1966 when the Singapore Government established the Singapore Family Planning and Population Board (SFPPB) to offer family planning services and to disseminate the small family norm the population was growing at about 2 per cent per year and the total fertility rate (TFR) stood at 4.7. Having just separated from Malaysia Singapore was trying hard to gain a firm political and economic footing. The withdrawal of foreign military personnel based in Singapore further aggravated the unsettling economic base. The need to curb rapid population growth was obvious and population control was viewed as critical in balancing the available economic resources with the demands of an increasing population.
An overview of the living arrangements and social support exchanges of older Singaporeans
Projecting complete cohort fertility in Singapore
The discussion concerning fertility in Singapore during the post-Second World War period has been confined to consideration of the reduction in total period fertility. Although a focus on period fertility makes good sense in planning for school and university admissions for maternal and child health care services for future national service intakes and so on it is easy yet potentially misleading to go one stage further and deduce that since total period fertility has been below the replacement level for a few years the population is not replacing itself.
Reproducing the Asian family across the generations: “Tradition”, gender and expectations in Singapore
Throughout the developed world with declining fertility and historically high divorce rates the role of the family in society is changing (Sardon 2000; Allan and others 2001; Time International 2001). In Britain for example there is an ongoing debate about the future of the family and politicians periodically reaffirm the importance of a stable union between a man and a woman as the best setting for raising children. In Singapore similar concerns are evident despite lower rates of births outside marriage and apparently different conceptions of the nature of the family. With fertility now below replacement level among the majority Chinese population and lowest among university graduates the Government is clearly worried about the implications of low fertility and its correlate“the declining family”. In particular the family as a setting for the care of the elderly has become a major focus of concern. Moreover for more than a decade the Singapore Government has been proactive in its attempt to halt fertility decline by offering inducements such as tax incentives to have “three or more if you can afford it” (Drakakis-Smith and others 1993; Graham 1995). The introduction of the Baby Bonus Scheme in April 2001 is merely the latest in a series of measures designed to persuade Singaporean women to tailor their reproduction to the perceived needs of the State (Pyle 1997).
The Singapore story
Singapore has come a long way in its journey towards sustainability. In the 1960s Singapore was like any other developing country of that time – dirty and polluted lacking proper sanitation and facing high unemployment. These challenges were more acute for Singapore given our constraints as a small island city-state with no natural resources.
Singapore’s ‘Three or More’ policy: The first five years
The new policy has succeeded in increasing the annual number of births but fertility remains below the replacement level
En Singapur, las mujeres se mantienen alejadas de las carreras científicas
Cuando tropieza con alguna dificultad en su trabajo Joelle Lim criptógrafa de 27 años a veces duda de sí misma. En esos momentos siente sobre ella el peso de algunos comentarios masculinos poco corteses que a veces insinúan que el éxito profesional de las mujeres se debe más a la discriminación positiva que a sus méritos propios. Joelle que trabaja de investigadora en los servicios de defensa de ese país insular de casi seis millones de habitantes forma parte del grupo cada vez más numeroso de mujeres contratadas en el sector de ciencias tecnología ingeniería y matemáticas (STEM por su siglas en inglés).
المسارات المهنيّة العلميّة ما زالت تُخيف النّساء في سنغافورة
كلما اعترضتها صعوبات في عملها، تأخذ جويل ليم، المختصة في تشفير البيانات والبالغة من العمر 27 سنة، في التشكيك في نفسها، ويجتاحها شعور بالوقوع تحت وطأة تلك التعليقات المنغصّة التي يطلقها بعض الرجال، ملمّحين من ورائها إلى أن نجاح المرأة يعود إلى التمييز الإيجابي لفائدتها وليس إلى كفاءتها.
À Singapour, les carrières scientifiques font encore peur aux femmes
Quand elle rencontre une difficulté au travail Joelle Lim 27 ans cryptographe se met parfois à douter d’elle-même. Elle sent alors peser sur elle les commentaires désobligeants de certains hommes selon lesquels la réussite des femmes tiendrait davantage à la discrimination positive qu’à leur mérite. Chercheuse pour les services de défense de cet État insulaire de près de 59 millions d’habitants elle fait partie du nombre croissant de Singapouriennes employées dans le secteur des sciences technologie ingénierie et mathématiques (STEM).
Paradox in Singapore: Women steering clear of maths careers
For Joelle Lim bouts of imposter syndrome sometimes hit when she falls short at work. In times like these the 27-year-old cryptographer finds herself thinking of derogatory comments made by male acquaintances about female colleagues getting jobs because of affirmative action rather than merit.
Сингапур: научная карьера продолжает отпугивать женщин
Когда 27-летняя шифроваль-щица из Сингапура Джоэль Лим сталкивается с трудностями в работе она начинает сомне-ваться в себе. В ее памяти вновь звучат уничижительные комментарии знако-мых мужчин утверждающих что своим продвижением по службе женщины обязаны скорее позитивной дискри-минации чем собственным заслугам. Жоэль занимающаяся математиче-скими исследованиями в интересах обороны этого островного государства с населением около 59 млн человек — одна из небольшого но растущего числа сингапурок занятых в области науки технологий инженерного дела и математики (НТИМ).
新加坡悖论: 女性回避数学相关职业
对乔尔·林(Joelle Lim)来说,一旦 在工作中表现不佳,她的负担症候群 便有可能发作。每当这时,这位27 岁 的密码学家就会想到身边的男性对于 女性同事的贬损——她们得到这份工 作不是靠自身实力,而是得益于平权 行动。
No. 32529. Germany and Singapore
Agreement concerning cultural and scientific cooperation. Signed at Bonn on 31 May 1990
No. 31646. France and Singapore
Agreement for air services between and beyond their respective territories (with annex). Signed at Singapore on 29 June 1967
No. 32717. France and Singapore
Memorandum of Understanding for the operation of the French-Singapore Institute (with annexes). Signed at Singapore on 13 July 1995
Singapore
Response to the United Nations national accounts questionnaire from the Department of Statistics Ministry of Trade and Industry Singapore.
Singapore
Reply to the United Nations national accounts questionnaire from the Department of Statistics Ministry of Trade and Industry Singapore.
Singapore
No. 35063. Republic of Korea and Singapore
Agreement on cooperation in arts culture and sports between the Government of the Republic of Korea and the Government of the Republic of Singapore. Seoul 16 August 1995
No. 35055. Republic of Korea and Singapore
Agreement on scientific and technological cooperation between the Government of the Republic of Korea and the Government of the Republic of Singapore. Singapore 15 February 1997
No. 34445. Australia and Singapore
Agreement for the reciprocal protection of classified information transmitted between the Australian Department of Defence and the Singapore Ministry of Defence. Signed at Canberra on 15 October 1996
No. 35451. Argentina and Singapore
Air Services Agreement between the Governments of the Republic of Argentina and the Republic of Singapore (with annex). Singapore 20 February 1997
No. 26536. United States of America and Singapore
Exchange of notes constituting an agreement relating to the reciprocal acceptance of airworthiness certifications. Singapore 21 August 1981
No. 26938. France and Singapore
Memorandum of Understanding for the continuation of the French-Singapore Institute (with annexes). Signed at Singapore on 20 January 1989
No. 31426. India and Singapore
Memorandnm of Understanding on consultations. Signed at Singapore on 9 September 1994
No. 32145. Australia and Singapore
AGREEMENT CONCERNING THE USE OF SHOALWATER BAY TTRAINING AREA AND THE ASSOCIATED USE OF STORAGE FACILITIES IN AUSTRALIA. SINGAPORE 17 FEBRUARY 1995
No. 35742. Singapore and Myanmar
Agreement on maritime transport between the government of the republic of singapore and the government of the union of myanmar. Singapore 4 October 1997
No. 35947. Hungary and Singapore
Agreement between the Republic of Hungary and the Republic of Singapore for the avoidance of double taxation and the prevention of fiscal evasion with respect to taxes on income. Singapore 17 April 1997
No. 35952. Hungary and Singapore
Agreement between the Republic of Hungary and the Republic of Singapore on the promotion and protection of investments. Singapore 17 April 1997