Good Health and Well-Being

Studies of Chinese ethnic minorities, especially of women’s experiences, are few and it would appear to be worth probing what is behind the “voluntary” nature of birth control. Demographic literature tends to emphasize macro policy-making and management of birth control, but the subjects (or objects depending on the perspective one holds) of birth control policies — the experiences of husbands and wives — are often ignored. This paper intends to explore reproductive dynamics in a Yi village at a particular point in time (two decades after the two-child policy) by demonstrating how people respond to and deal with birth control policies, and how micro-level fertility in individual households is affected.

The sexually transmitted infections (STIs) are significant causes of morbidity and mortality among women of reproductive age. Not only do some of the STI-related complications result in spontaneous abortion, infertility, ectopic pregnancy and cervical cancer, but common STIs can also cause long-term impairment of reproductive health and in crease the risk of HIV transmission from one person to another (Cameron, Simonsen and D’Costa, 1989; Wasserheit, 1992; Population In formation Program, 1993). It has been estimated that sexually transmitted infections and their complications collectively rank second in importance in the world among diseases in women of reproductive age (World Bank, 1993). Ignorance of and misinformation on sexual illnesses are of ten considered power fulbarriers to resolving such health problems in the traditional communities (UNAIDS, 1998).

As fertility and population growth rates decline in the Asian and Pacific region, populations of the elderly (people age 65 years and older) are growing rapidly. Increasing attention is being devoted to the issue of aging, and censuses have a role to play in providing information to policy makers as they prepare to accommodate their aging populations.

China, which has the world’s largest population and the most stringent family planning programme, has experienced one of the world’s most remarkable fertility declines. A number of censuses and surveys in China, plus an extensive body of international studies, have consistently documented and examined the rapid fertility transition in the country over the last 30 years (see for example Lin, 1986; Peng,1991; Hull and Yang, 1991; Liu, 1992; Gu, 1994; Chen, 1995; Zha, 1996; Feeney, 1994 and Yu 2000). Explanations of the Chinese fertility decline have concentrated on the dominant role of China’s family planning programme, and to a lesser extent on social and economic development (see for example Birdsall and Jamison, 1983; Poston and Gu, 1987; Liu, 1992; Peng and Huang, 1993; Yang, 1994 and Poston 2000). China’s family planning programme is directly related to changes in the proximate determinants of fertility and induced abortion is recognized as a major contributor to the fertility decline.

Until recently, little information has been available on sexually transmitted infections (STIs) in the Nepalese population. Prior to the recognition of HIV/AIDS as a national health problem in the mid-1990s, health authorities in Nepal paid little attention to STIs. Few hospitals or clinics collected statistical information on cases or treatment.

The World Health Organization (WHO) defines health as a state of complete physical, mental and social well-being and not merely the absence of disease or infirmity. Among the many concerns of humankind, the ability to lead a life free from illness or disability during old age is a dominant one. Health is thus a key factor to livability. For older persons, health determines their ability to perform the tasks that facilitate their participation in society. Society for its part depends on the good health of its members to enable them to perform their roles adequately, be they of an economic, community or family nature.

The world’s 1.2 billion Muslims comprise about 20 per cent of the total population of the world. The majority of Muslim populations have high fertility rates coupled with high infant, child and maternal mortality, and low rates of life expectancy. As a result, close to 50 per cent are below 15 years of age. In economic terms, this means a very high dependency ratio.

The discussion concerning fertility in Singapore during the post-Second World War period has been confined to consideration of the reduction in total period fertility. Although a focus on period fertility makes good sense in planning for school and university admissions, for maternal and child health care services, for future national service intakes and so on, it is easy, yet potentially misleading, to go one stage further and deduce that since total period fertility has been below the replacement level for a few years, the population is not replacing itself.

Thailand is among a growing number of developing countries that are experiencing a sustained decline in fertility from former high and relatively stable levels. In the case of Thailand, the reduction in birth rates has been both rapid and pervasive. During the last two decades, the total fertility rate (TFR) fell from a level of between 6 and 7 births per woman to a level of close to 3 per woman. According to a recent United Nations assessment, Thailand’s fertility decline during the last two decades ranks as the third largest, behind only China and the Republic of Korea, among the 15 most populous developing countries of the world (United Nations, 1985).

Ethnic minority groups traditionally live on the fringes of society. In Thailand, an increasing number of them in recent decades have shown willingness to participate in the country’s development and to take their place closer to the mainstream of society. From the Government’s perspective, the main concern has been to address the major problems traditionally associated with the hilltribe population, i.e. opium cultivation and drug addiction, national security issues, conservation of natural resources and environmental degradation. Throughout the past few decades, population registration has become one of the most important issues related to the hilltribe people of Thailand, together with the general question of whether or not indigenous people or ethnic minority groups may become full citizens.

One of the notes prepared by the secretariat for consideration at the forty-second session of the Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific (ESCAP) focuses on a variety of issues related to population and human resources. Among these are human resources for population and family planning programmes, and the role of ESCAP in developing human resources for such purposes. The aim of the paper is to discuss the types of investments in human resources that are likely to contribute to a continued decline in fertility in the Asian and Pacific region.

One of the purposes of family planning programmes in developing countries is to provide for the unmet needs of couples for contraception. In KAP (knowledge, attitude and practice) surveys, a large proportion of women usually state that, even though they want no more children, they are not using contraception. Under such circumstances, it is usually assumed that, if contraceptive methods were to be made easily available to them, many women with unmet needs for contraception would adopt those methods. In reality, however, this does not always happen. Nevertheless, in many East Asian countries, following the introduction of family planning programmes, fertility has reached the replacement level. The fertility transition is under way in some Asian countries, but it has yet to begin in others (Caldwell, 1993). In fact, such variations in fertility, despite the wide-spread availability of contraceptive methods, raises the issue of whether existing family planning services need to be modified.

When a data set is generated from a country-wide survey, it is important to test it to determine whether or not fertility variations are due to the structure of the data. Generally, small area data are more or less homogeneous in nature. This observation is supported by Garner and Diamond (1988) who pointed out that individuals who share similar characteristics related to fertility behaviour, such as living in the same geographical area, are likely to act in a similar fashion. There may be fertility variations between small areas in Bangladesh, but these have been generally ignored in previous studies (see, for example, Islam and Khan, 1991, 1995; Khan and Raeside, 1994; Amin and others, 1995).

Asia is in the midst of social transformations that are dramatic in pace and effect. Families, schools and labour markets are all changing, generally in ways that broaden opportunities for young people and may ultimately alter relationships between the sexes. An important element of these changes is the pattern of delayed marriage, coupled with higher rates of permanent celibacy, that have emerged throughout much of the region (Xenos and Gultiano, 1992).

Intervention programmes aimed at reducing child labour need to focus on both alleviating poverty and increasing literacy

Elderly people (those 65 years of age or older) comprise one of the largest and most rapidly expanding minorities in New Zealand. Since 1945, their number has more than doubled, from 147,219 to 316,197 (de facto definition) in 1981.

Contraception plays the most prominent role in reducing fertility in Bangladesh.

Population growth may impinge on the process of sustainable development of the pastoral economy.

Women’s empowerment, or autonomy, is a multifaceted concept. In a patriarchical society, as exists in large parts of India, men are placed in a more advantageous position than women. The family lineage and living arrangements are centred on men, and inheritance and succession practices tend to neglect women as well. The state of male supremacy is reflected in the child rearing and caring practices. The celebrations for the birth of a male child, and the differential treatment meted out to boys bears ample evidence of this. Access to nutrition, child care and education all favour boys over girls. From a very early age, a girl is socialized to give priority to the needs of the male members in the family. The cumulative effect of these practices is a tilt in the power relations in favour of males. Women’s empowerment is essentially an effort to rectify this imbalance and attain gender equity.

Globally, 40 million adults and children were living with HIV (human immunodeficiency virus)/AIDS (acquired immunodeficiency syndrome) at the end of 2001. Of infected adults, 48 per cent were women. In 2001, the global adult HIV prevalence rate was 1.2 per cent. During that year, 5 million people were newly infected with HIV and 3 million died due to HIV/AIDS. In many parts of the developing world, the majority of new infections occurred among young adults, with young women being especially vulnerable. About one third of those currently living with HIV/AIDS are aged 15 to 24 years. Most of them do not know they carry the virus. Many millions more know nothing about the virus or too little to protect themselves (UNAIDS, 2001).

For almost half a century, conceptions of Pacific islander movement have been influenced by the perspective of national economic development — one to which many planners and policy makers subscribe. In this view, movement is assumed to be unidirectional, from the islands to the metropolitan Pacific. This assumption creates and enhances images such as “permanent migration”, “emigration”, “exodus” and “brain drain” which are fundamentally associated with the core-periphery and growth-centre constructs of the Western-derived model of dual economy (White and others, 1989). Not only do they seriously misrepresent locally rooted meanings of mobility among indigenous islanders, but also these images imply development uncertainties that will face island populations in the future.

Over the last decade, the landscape of Bangladesh has changed remarkably with the persistent mobility of people. This is an emerging reality in the development discourse of the country, which reflects the dynamic interactions between spaces and poverty. In response to improvements in markets, communications and transport and a better access to electricity, migration has assumed great importance in constructing livelihood strategies of the people and economy of the country. In light of the changing situation in Bangladesh, links between migration and development need to be re-examined. Moreover, there is a considerable vacuum to understand migration-poverty interface in the country (Chaudhury, 1978; Chaudhury and Curlin, 1975; Islam and Begum, 1983; Krishnan and Rowe, 1978; Rahman and others, 1996; Hossain and others, 1999; Afsar, 1999; Hossain and others, 2003a). The main purpose of this paper is to examine the impact of population mobility on poverty alleviation and document how that impact is changing the development parameters of the country. More specifically, the paper examines the impact of migration on the migrants and their families at destinations and then, on overall rural economy and urbanization in order to capture the dynamic interactions between population mobility and other development parameters. It also assesses how far poverty alleviation strategies capture those realities and the gaps. Policies that should be adopted to address the gaps and the emerging realities are also recommended in the conclusion.

During the second half of the twentieth century, many countries and areas in the region witnessed remarkable declines in fertility. For the region as a whole, the total fertility rate (TFR) dropped from 5.6 births per woman during the period 1950-1955 to 4.0 in 1975-1980. Fertility continued to fall to 3.3 during the period 1985-1990 and 2.6 in 1995-2000. The TFR of the region is currently estimated at 2.4 births per woman (United Nations, 2003). However, this regional average masks a considerable difference in the TFR observed among subregions. The TFR has plummeted to below the replacement level in East and North-East Asia (1.8 births per woman) and North and Central Asia (1.5 births per woman). In sharp contrast, South and South-West Asia exhibit a TFR of 3.2 births per woman. The South-East Asian subregion has a TFR of 2.5 births per woman (ESCAP, 2003).

Throughout the developed world, with declining fertility and historically high divorce rates, the role of the family in society is changing (Sardon, 2000; Allan and others, 2001; Time International, 2001). In Britain, for example, there is an ongoing debate about the future of the family and politicians periodically reaffirm the importance of a stable union between a man and a woman as the best setting for raising children. In Singapore, similar concerns are evident, despite lower rates of births outside marriage and apparently different conceptions of the nature of the family. With fertility now below replacement level among the majority Chinese population and lowest among university graduates, the Government is clearly worried about the implications of low fertility and its correlate,“the declining family”. In particular, the family as a setting for the care of the elderly has become a major focus of concern. Moreover, for more than a decade, the Singapore Government has been proactive in its attempt to halt fertility decline by offering inducements, such as tax incentives, to have “three or more if you can afford it” (Drakakis-Smith and others, 1993; Graham, 1995). The introduction of the Baby Bonus Scheme in April 2001 is merely the latest in a series of measures designed to persuade Singaporean women to tailor their reproduction to the perceived needs of the State (Pyle, 1997).

Demographers and other social scientists from less developed countries have shown interest recently in the study of the age at marriage., especially of women, as a prime determinant of fertility in countries where contraception is not widely practised. The age at marriage is also considered one of the best indicators for studying the status of women in developing countries (Vag-liani, 1980).

For the past several decades, in rich and poor countries alike, life expectancy at birth has seemed to rise. Contrary to the predictions of demographers, the expected lifespan at birth has increased nearly linearly, in developed countries as well as the developing countries of Africa, South America and Asia as if there were no upper limits. More recently, fertility rates appear to be no exception to that sort of convergence. Fertility has declined dramatically almost everywhere, first in European countries and later in non-European countries. Demographers predicted that fertility would stabilize around replacement levels once the fertility transition from high to low was completed in the twentieth century. Unfortunately, declining fertility has not stabilized in developed countries. For years, fertility has hovered below the replacement level in developed European countries. As if in imitation, fertility in developing countries also has approached replacement level, or in many cases, dipped below. As is the case for mortality, fertility in both rich and poor countries is certain to converge towards lower fertility.

The common findings of research are that women in the labour force bear fewer children than those out of it. However, the behavioural pattern of Indian Tamils is somewhat aberrant in nature as for some time in the 1950s, 1960s and 1970s, their fertility performance was lower than for those women in the other major ethnic groups in the country, namely the Sinhalese and the Sri Lankan Tamils. On closer examination of the underlying factors, it becomes evident that it is again not the labour force participation per se that was the determining factor, and that fresh and different evidence reveals factors accounting for this impressive but anomalous inverse link.

For most couples, procreation is a natural biological urge and an integral part of a stable marital relationship. Motherhood is an important social position actively sought by many women. Although motherhood is seen as an essential stage in women’s lives (Phoenix and others, 1991), it is frequently romanticized and idealized as a woman’s supreme achievement (Ussher, 1990). It is also symbolically important because it shapes the cultural and social identities of women. It demonstrates their physical and psychological adequacy and, as producers of the next generation, gives them identifiable social functions (Busfield, 1987; Rapoport and others, 1977). This is especially true in India, as in the rest of Asia, where childbearing is traditionally essential to a woman’s social and cultural identity.

Despite occasional efforts to reverse the consensus articulated in the Programme of Action of the International Conference on Population and Development (ICPD), for almost a decade the recommendations contained in this Programme of Action have provided the guiding framework for expanding and reorienting reproductive health programmes in the Asian and Pacific region. Reproductive health in the above-mentioned Programme is defined as “a state of complete physical, mental and social well-being and not merely the absence of disease or infirmity, in all matters relating to the reproductive system and to its functions and processes” (para. 7.2). Reproductive health services are viewed as a basic right through which women and men can express their reproductive choices.

The rural urban disparities in health outcomes in India are often attributed to urban bias in allocation of resources and location of health-care services. Statistics clearly show that the bed population ratio is higher in urban areas and that those regional inequalities have not seen any significant decline over time (Duggal and others, 1995). This regional imbalance is there in both the public and the private health sector. Further, public spending on health care is also disproportionately higher in urban areas. However, while critiquing the regional bias, it is to be examined whether the urban areas in India, where 22 per cent of the population is residing in slums, has the required number of public health-care facilities. Unlike other urban areas, the matter requires special attention in an urban metropolis in India that is characterized by poor living conditions making the public more vulnerable to diseases, and where poverty levels are likely to be similar, if not worse, than that in rural areas. This could be understood by examining who utilizes those services and for what reasons.

Thailand is by all odds one of the most successful economic and demographic stories in South-east Asia, an area in which other success stories can also be found. The average annual growth of Thailand’s gross national product (GNP) from 1960 to the early 1980s was almost 8 per cent and, during the period 1970 to 1985, the country’s population growth rate fell from over 3 per cent per annum to about 1.5 per cent.

The high population growth in many developing countries is caused by relatively low mortality and continuing high fertility. Under those circumstances, it is difficult to deny that reducing fertility is crucial for curbing rapid population growth. Nonetheless, because the health status of a population has an obvious bearing on mortality, its importance as a variable affecting the quality of the population has also been recognized (United Nations, 1973, p. 107). Therefore, while fertility reduction is an important factor for curbing population growth rates, mortality (or health) control is required for improving the quality of the population.

Afrontar las nuevas limitaciones en materia de acogida de público y, al mismo tiempo, redefinir nuestros vínculos con el arte y la cultura: como tantas otras instituciones del mundo, el Museo de Arte de Queens de Nueva York trata de reinventarse y reflexiona sobre un modelo de museo integrador que sitúe a artistas, educadores y ciudadanos en el núcleo de sus actividades.

A causa de la crisis sanitaria, casi 1.500 millones de alumnos –es decir, el 90% de la población escolar del mundo– no pueden asistir a la escuela (fuente: UNESCO). De repente, los centros de enseñanza han tenido que adaptarse al aprendizaje a distancia, lo que les ha obligado a imaginar otros métodos pedagógicos.

Aislamiento, pérdida de ingresos, cargas familiares abrumadoras: las mujeres fotógrafas han sido duramente afectadas por el confinamiento impuesto para contener la pandemia de COVID-19. Ante esta situación sin precedentes, más de 400 mujeres fotógrafas se reunieron en un proyecto de colaboración único, The Journal, que nació espontáneamente a mediados de marzo tras una invitación formulada en Facebook por el colectivo Women Photograph. Desde 2017, esta red, que cuenta con más de mil miembros en un centenar de países, se ha fijado la meta de aumentar la presencia de mujeres fotógrafas en los medios de comunicación.

Nathalie Strub-Wourgaft es una de las fundadoras de la Coalición para la investigación clínica del COVID-19, lanzada en abril por instituciones científicas, médicos, donantes y encargados de la formulación de políticas de casi 30 naciones para promover la investigación en los países de bajos ingresos. Esta especialista aboga por investigaciones específicas adaptadas a esos países.

El mundo que se avecina será diferente del que hemos conocido hasta ahora. La poetisa Zhai Yongming vaticina que el ser humano será más respetuoso con lo que desconoce y con las demás especies vivas que pueblan nuestro planeta.

Las fronteras de hoy no se delimitan forzosamente con muros de ladrillo y alambradas de púas, sino que se están metamorfoseando en barreras móviles construidas mediante la aplicación de tecnologías de vanguardia y reglamentaciones complejas que restringen la circulación de los ciudadanos. Esta metamorfosis se ha acentuado con la pandemia de COVID-19.

Patterns of production and consumption vary with age. Therefore, the age structure of the population should influence the development process through the supply of, and demand for, labour and goods and services. However, much of the debate and discussion on population and development during the past several decades has centred on the size and growth of the population. This is because the high rate of population growth that resulted from unprecedented declines in mortality leading to larger population vis-à-vis resources – after the Second World War was seen as impeding economic growth in developing countries, including those in Asia and the Pacific.

Adopted in 1970, the UNESCO Convention is a prominent legal instrument in the fight against looting and illicit trafficking. By laying down the principles of shared responsibility and cultural equity, it has also opened the way to the right of peoples to enjoy their own cultural heritage.

A new kind of museum in Tongling, China, virtually displays ancient copper and bronze objects from the Han dynasty, many of which have found their way to museums abroad. It foretells the future of digital museums – institutions capable of sharing their resources and offering unprecedented access to their collections to global audiences.

Half a century after its adoption, the UNESCO 1970 Convention against the illicit trafficking of cultural property is still a major instrument to stem this scourge. Over the last fifty years, the fight against this underground trade has intensified, and awareness of the moral damage caused by the plunder has grown. But the craze for these objects, the prices of which have skyrocketed; the leniency of sanctions, and the vulnerability of sites in conflict zones are all challenges that need to be addressed to curb the trafficking of what some call “blood antiquities”.

Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Australians make up 2.5 per cent of the Australian population and continue to suffer disproportionately from the consequences of European settlement. The life expectancy for Indigenous Australians is 10 years lower than that of other Australians; the death rates for Indigenous people are twice as high across all age groups; and intentional self-harm was the leading cause of death from external causes for Indigenous males between 2001 and 2005.' Although definitive national data about the incidence and prevalence of mental health disorders among Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Australians is not available, it is clear there are enormous disparities in mental health outcomes for Indigenous people.

Disinformation and conspiracy theories have proliferated on social media during the pandemic. Black tea, neem leaves and pepper soup have been touted as miracle cures for COVID-19, in Africa and elsewhere. To combat this infodemic, digital platforms must be made more accountable, fake news tracked and called out, and media literacy developed.

Declining incomes, school drop-outs, the growth of informal work, and steep rises in unemployment. The social consequences of the health crisis for the inhabitants of the Latin America and the Caribbean region have been massive. The author calls for the establishment of a fairer and more supportive social system to avoid a deepening of inequalities.

How the world changes! Nearly a generation ago, in 1994, I served as coauthor of a major World Bank study, Better Health in Africa. Now I have the privilege to observe health issues around the world as President and CEO of the United Nations Association of the USA (UNA-USA). These experiences give me perspective on changes in global health institutions, policies, and funding.

At the core of the United Nations Millennium Declaration of 2000 are the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) for 2015, which recognize that global health is a priority agenda for the twenty-first century. Achieving the MDGs is essential for world peace and economic stability, and for addressing the critical issues of human rights, equality, and equity.

More than 1.5 billion students – or ninety per cent of the world’s student population – have been affected by temporary closures of schools and universities in 2020 due to the health crisis, according to UNESCO. Educational institutions have been forced, almost overnight, to switch to remote learning platforms and devise alternative teaching methods.